I’m Sorry, but to Understand Anything About What’s Going On, You Need to Know a Little Something About Preliminary Injunctions
Smith sues Jones, and asks the court for a preliminary injunction, claiming that Jones is quickly, and illegally, creating “facts on the ground” that cannot easily be reversed after a final decision finally arrives. How does the court decide whether to grant the preliminary injunction? Answer: by trying to answer four specific questions:
1. Which side is more likely to win the case, on the facts and the law?
2. If there is no injunction, and if the plaintiff, Smith, ultimately wins the case, can Smith still get justice, for example, by collecting damages? Or are Jones’s current actions doing harm to Smith that is “irreparable”?
3. If Smith is going to suffer “irreparable harm,” is that harm nevertheless outweighed by the harm that Jones will suffer if the court forbids acts that may ultimately be found to be lawful?
4. Apart from Smith’s interests, and apart from Jones’s interests, what is the public interest?
Whenever a legal rule requires a court to pour a bunch of factors into a pot, stir them around, and then see what the resulting brew tastes like, the process is likely to be somewhat messy and somewhat unpredictable. That said, most lawyers understand that the first factor—we call it “likelihood of success on the merits”—tends to be dispositive.
Trump v. American Federation of Government Employees
In this case, decided a week ago, eight of the nine justices joined in a short opinion saying that the government employees union should not get a preliminary injunction, because it was unlikely, at the end of the day, to prevail on its claim that Team Trump was illegally planning to fire lots of workers. I wrote about the case last week.
McMahon v. New York
The McMahon Supreme Court ruling came a few days later, on Monday of this week. As in the American Federation case, the Court ruled for Team Trump. (The case was about whether mass firings at the Department of Education could continue, while the courts were dealing with the case on the merits.) Unlike the American Federation case, this was a 6 to 3 decision, not an 8 to 1 decision. And, unlike the American Federation case, the majority offered no explanation whatsoever about how it applied the four factor test, and about why it reached the result that it reached.
In many quarters, McMahon engendered a noisy wailing and gnashing of teeth, and a call for all law-abiding citizens to rend their garments and dress in sackcloth and ashes—because the Supreme Court has gone over to Darth Vader.
They may be right. But my view is that the catastrophists are a little premature. I shaved with Occam’s razor this morning, and Occam and I both submit that, having explained their reasoning in the union case, the majority probably acted differently in McMahon because there were not six justices who were willing to say in black and white that they thought the government would be proven right on the merits.
And, if Occam and I are speculating correctly, the assumed caution is a reason for cautious optimism. And the assumed caution would be fully justified. Certainly, as to the massive government firings, there is one hell of a lot of litigation yet to come.
Justice Sotomayor’s Dissent in McMahon (Joined by the Other Two Liberals)
I promised a friend that I would reproduce the dissent. So here it is.
Facing MAGA 