
Scorpions


With clear eyes, hard facts, critical thinking, new political strategy, empathy, and a soupçon of Schadenfreude
Posts about the situation we are in–the good facts, the bad facts, and the terrible facts. Facts that, if taken on board, will let us “know ourselves, know the other side” and go on to win those hundred battles.

An interesting discussion. Note that around minute 15 Scaramucci gives what he characterizes as Wall Street’s prognostication on the Iran War.
Meanwhile this morning, the Wall Street Journal sucks its thumb at some length on the topic of The Back-Channel Diplomacy Behind Trump’s Iran U-Turn.
My takeaway: Over the weekend, yes, indeed, a lot of Muslim countries were talking to other Muslim countries, and some of them were talking to some people in Iran. But that’s about it.
This morning, Orange Mussolini claims that his talks with Iran are going just great, and the mullahs are about to throw in the towel.
To this the mullahs are still saying, in words or substance, “Bullshit!”

It is now about 3 PM Eastern Daylight Time. All the sources I read are still having the Iranians denying up and down that there are any talks going on. An exception is Axios, which has a rather detailed account of talks among the Speaker of the Iranian Parliament and those two geniuses Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner.
But, notably, the very same Speaker has called bullshit on the reports of negotiation. His post on X says, and I quote, “No negotiations have been held with the US, and fakenewes isused to manipulate the financial and oil markets and escape the quagmire in which the US and Israel are trapped.”
Could it be that Witkoff and Kushner, hoping to put off the Apocalypse, previously scheduled for 7:44 PM this evening, have told Trump a pack of lies?
Just asking.

Writing today in The Bulwark, Kristol observes, among other things,
One assumes that the United States military would have refused to obey orders to commit a war crime like attempting the “total decimation” of a country.
But even if the military had gone ahead with some version of striking Iran’s civilian power plants, Iran would surely have responded by attacking similar targets in the Gulf, which they’ve shown they retain the capacity to do. The war would have widened and its economic effects would have worsened. And then we would have been faced with the possible introduction of ground troops to secure the Strait—which would have invited an extended conflict and an even more severe economic crisis.
Kristol continues,
But notice beneath Trump’s bluster what he was demanding: Simply reopening the Strait of Hormuz. Trump’s central war aim is now just to fix the situation that his “excursion” caused.
As I write, it’s about 11 AM Eastern Daylight Time in the United States. Two days ago, Orange Mussolini told everyone he was going to start bombing Iranian power stations at 7:44 PM today, unless Iran capitulated on the Strait of Hormuz. This morning, out of the blue, he changed his tune, claimed to have “very good talks”—with an unnamed person or persons in Iran—and “extended” his “deadline” by five days.
Iranian officials denied that any talks are going on and reasserted their maximalist demands for an end to hostilities, including monetary reparations.
Logically, there are three alternative explanations:
I think you know my guess as to which of these three possible alternatives is accurate.
The markets, keenly anticipating a Trump TACO on Iran, reacted to Trump’s announcement of Operation Epic Bullshit by leaping higher. Right now, the Dow is up around 1100 points.
More fools they.
Down here in Georgia yesterday, our Supreme Court listened to oral argument on a murder case. At the end of the argument, the chief justice had a few questions for the prosecution, including
The prosecutor promised to look into the matter and report back.
I look forward to Trump’s report on the “very good” “ongoing negotiations” that are supposed to be taking place this week.

As I write early this Sunday morning, the talking heads are talking and the poohbahs are pontificating about the Middle East. Last night, I caught Elliot Abrams on the TeeVee. Wikipedia calls him “one of the Bush administration’s intellectual architects of the Iraq War.” So it’s good to know that Abrams thinks that Iran will soon capitulate.
What a relief!
Instead, as the Wall Street Journal solemnly informs us, Iran Believes It’s Winning—and Wants a Steep Price to End the War: Tehran sees an opportunity to control the Mideast’s energy as it bets on outlasting Trump’s will—a risky gamble.
Yesterday, the New York Times Editorial Board expatiated on Trump’s lies about the Iran War. I am sure that the members of the Editorial Board are prime examples of the great and the good, and I am equally confident that their knowledge of international affairs exceeds my own. But I do not think “liar” is the best term for Orange Mussolini.
A rational liar knows the truth but intends to deceive others. A rational liar knows that successful deception requires a certain finesse. You do not make claims that are easily shown to be false. That causes you to lose credibility, which in turn greatly impedes your plan of deception. Likewise, and for the same reason, you do not make claims that are internally inconsistent, nor do you make assertions and predictions that are highly implausible.
Trump is not lying to us.
Trump is, instead, trying to deceive himself.
Finally, count The Economist as much closer to the mullahs’ prognostication than to that of Elliot Abrams. The magazine writes War in Iran is making Donald Trump weaker—and angrier: By diminishing the president’s political superpowers, his reckless campaign may make him more dangerous.
Trump has repeatedly threatened to use nuclear weapons against his foes. (Don’t think so? Ask your favorite AI source about his nuclear musings, and then read the sources it serves up.)
These threats are no secret to the mullahs. For that reason and others, in this world of great uncertainty, we may be confident that Iranian-inspired assassination teams are gearing up.
The big question, in my view, is whether the assassins get Trump before he orders the Air Force to drop some nukes.

All seriousness aside, this is a good time for the Director of the National Counterterrorism Center to get out of Dodge, because there is some big time terrorism on the way from the Middle East, and it’s understandable that the Director doesn’t want to be blamed for failing to counter it.t


If Trump proclaims victory, stops the bombing and begins to withdraw the huge air and naval assets he assembled in the Middle East, it could soothe global markets, at least in the short term, and reassure American voters uneasy about the prospect of another forever war.
But leaving in place Iran’s theocratic regime—angry, defiant and in possession of its nuclear stockpile and what remains of its arsenal of missiles and drones—would essentially grant Tehran control over the world’s energy markets. It would also sacrifice the security of America’s partners and allies, and possibly make another, more devastating, regional war likely.
Sensing impatience in Washington, Iranian officials say they will fight on, until an agreement is reached on Iran’s terms, including America paying reparations to Tehran. “We must strike the aggressor in the mouth so it learns a lesson and never again thinks of launching an aggression against our dear Iran,” Parliament speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf said Tuesday in a social-media post.
Iran is still believed to have plenty of short-range missiles and drones—not to mention naval mines—that it can use to choke off oil and natural-gas exports by making the Strait of Hormuz too risky for tankers. Around 20% of the world’s oil supplies transited the strait daily before the war started. Just on Wednesday, three vessels were hit in the area.
“If the regime holds on—even a rump regime—what is to stop its missiles and drones from threatening tankers through the Strait of Hormuz, and the energy infrastructure of America’s Gulf allies at the time of their choosing?” said Andrew Tabler, a White House official in Trump’s first administration and senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “Its ability to impact energy prices would be enormous.”
An additional twist is that Iran is letting its friends, including China, take oil out of the Gulf, while preventing everyone else.
Now that Tehran has demonstrated the capacity—and global implications—of choking off the Hormuz strait, it has created significant geopolitical leverage for itself, and an incentive for Gulf states to appease it in the future. Reopening the strait, military analysts say, may require a ground operation to seize the Iranian coastline. That would mark an open-ended escalation, potentially leading to much higher American casualties.
The performance of the U.S. military is, of course, closely watched by China—and America’s Asian allies. The U.S., alongside Israel, has unleashed high-precision firepower, establishing air superiority over Iran and eliminating much of its navy and air forces.
Yet 12 days into the war, Iran keeps firing missiles and drones across the Middle East, albeit at a slower rate. Iran’s ability to destroy with precision strikes some of the most sensitive and scarce U.S. military targets in the Middle East, such as radars for air-defense installations, didn’t go unnoticed. Should America abandon its Gulf partners after exposing them to existential danger, there will be inevitable repercussions in South Korea, Japan and Taiwan.
“This war hugely damages U.S. standing in the world, which means that China has much more scope to establish its own standing in the Middle East and the Global South generally,” said Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute in London.
“Meanwhile, everyone is observing that Iran has, at best, a middling military capability—and the Americans can’t take them out,” he said.
“There is no easy way out of this once we’ve started it,” said Marc Sievers, a former U.S. ambassador to Oman who is now a political commentator based in Abu Dhabi.
“The regime lost a lot of its military capability, but not all of it clearly,” he said. “If they are left standing, they will do everything they can to rebuild, and to do once again all these things that they were doing that triggered this.”
Iran’s stockpile of 60% enriched uranium—close to weapons-grade in its purity and buried underground after last June’s American airstrikes—remains as a potential pathway to a rapid nuclear breakout.
“The bad news is you would leave Iran potentially in a position where it can produce nuclear weapons, and you also leave Iran potentially with more motive to produce nuclear weapons,” said Eric Brewer, an expert at the Nuclear Threat Initiative who served in senior nuclear-related roles in the White House and the U.S. intelligence community. “That’s a big risk.”
Taking out this enriched uranium, if the regime remains defiant, would require a risky ground operation. “America and Israel are witnessing the limits of what air and naval power alone can do,” said Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute.
“Strategic priorities, like opening the Strait of Hormuz and securing what remains of Iran’s nuclear stockpile, will likely require some ground troops if no diplomatic options are pursued,” he said. “What we are looking at is potentially a very messy situation.”
One nightmare scenario, in particular for America’s Gulf partners now bearing the brunt of Iranian attacks, is that the U.S. and Israel would stop, then Iran would continue harassing strikes to cow these oil-rich monarchies into submission. The fear is that Tehran will try to pressure them to expel U.S. bases and sever their dependence on an America that failed to protect them.
“There are many dangers. A wounded, angry Iran is not the best-case scenario for the Gulf states. While the U.S. has to a large degree castrated Iran in terms of its ability to attack Israel, this gives Iran only one other option: to attack the Gulf states and to weaponize the Strait of Hormuz,” said Dania Thafer, executive director of the Gulf International Forum think tank. “Militarily speaking, the U.S. is on the winning side. But politically speaking, the U.S. and Israel have really gotten nowhere when it comes to Iran.”
Gulf leaders aren’t voicing in public their anger with the Trump administration, which dragged them into this war. This is in part because their nations are so dependent on American air-defense supplies to protect from the expected next round of Iranian attacks, something that neither China nor Russia can provide. Yet under the surface, many are starting to wonder whether the alliance with the U.S. is more of a liability than an asset—especially if the Iranian regime survives and rearms after the war.
“We are stuck between two outcomes, each of them worse than the other,” said Mahdi Ghuloom, a fellow at the ORF Middle East think tank in Bahrain. “One is that the regime stays intact, and the second is the power vacuum in Iran. The Trump administration’s Middle East policy has not been thought through completely, the decision to conduct this war was taken in haste, and its ramifications miscalculated.”
“While the Gulf-American relationship will remain resilient, a lot of diplomatic frustration will be expressed,” he said.