Judge Dugan’s Arrest, Civil Disobedience, the Authoritarian Playbook, Cosplay Fascism, and the Utility of Analytical Thinking

Please read these remarks in light of my comments, right below, on the character of judges.

By now, we have all read a lot about the authoritarian playbook. If, by and large, judges can’t be intimidated, can’t be bought, and can’t be fooled, then, presumably, the next step in the authoritarian playbook would be to start arresting them. 

We are now conditioned to look for that sort of thing to start happening. We hear that, a couple of days ago, the FBI arrested a state judge out in Milwaukee for something having to do with immigration. Our confirmation bias kicks in, and the chorus all proclaim in unison, “Well, the fascism is now beginning in earnest!”

To add to the circus atmosphere, Attorney General Blondi goes out in public to do her cosplay fascist act—encouraging us to fear that federal judges who follow the constitution and demand due process might risk arrest, too. See Aaron Blake (Washington Post), Pam Bondi’s striking comments on arresting judges.

As a side observation: most humans, myself included, try to make ourselves look morally better than we really are. But that seems to be going out of fashion. Now the Attorney General of the United States wants everyone to think she is Ilsa, the She Wolf of the SS. 

A sign of the times, I suppose.

We now return to our regularly scheduled program. 

Back in Milwaukee, Judge Dugan, learning that ICE was about to snatch one Eduardo Flores-Ruiz—a misdemeanor criminal defendant in a case before her— allegedly showed Señor Flores-Ruiz how to get out the side door, thereby delaying his capture by ICE by a few minutes.

I don’t know how many people witnessed this incident. I don’t know whether they all remember it the same way. I don’t know what Judge Dugan’s account is; I don’t know what she says she did or didn’t do, and I don’t know what she says about her her intent. Accordingly, I have no rational basis to reach a conclusion as to what actually went down.

I don’t know—because I haven’t researched the matter, and I don’t intend to do so—what are the words of the statutes that Judge Dugan is supposed to have violated. Nor do I know how these words have been interpreted in judicial decisions (“case law,” as we call it). I don’t know whether Judge Dugan’s conduct clearly violated the law, clearly did not violate the law, or fell into an ambiguous gray area. I don’t know whether she will claim to have consciously run a legal risk to herself in order to advance a higher moral principle. If she does make such a claim, I don’t how whether the evidence will back up her claim.

But here is something I do know. I do know that it would be unwise for our side to be tricked into arguing that “lawless behavior by our guys is OK, while lawless behavior by your guys is not OK.” 

Instead, we should just reserve judgment on the facts and the law in this case, agree that everybody who breaks the law should be punished—and that, sometimes, people who decide to break the law to promote righteousness should suffer legal punishment. And then we should erect a statue in their honor. 

Two Things About Judges

Judges, as a group, share many, many things in common with the rest of the human race, as a group. But I want to mention two things that tend to set the judges apart. Two things that explain why the federal judiciary is holding it together, while, for example, the Skadden Arps Management Committee acts like a bunch of wusses. 

First of all, think for a moment about what judges actually do every day. Well, a lot of what they do is ensure that criminals get their just deserts. Many criminals are violent. Many criminals, just like Mango Mussolini, threaten retribution. Threats to federal judges have reached an alarming level.

If you are the kind of person who backs down whenever an asshole leaves a threatening voicemail, then, most likely, you are not a federal judge.

Secondly, if you are a federal judge, at any level, then the chances are very good that you could make a lot more money doing something else. They want to live comfortably, but, unlike the Skadden Arps Management Committee, their nights are not occupied with dreams of avarice.

Federal district judges make about $240 thousand a year; appellate judges, about $262 thousand; and associate justices of the Supreme Court, about $304 thousand. 

If you are a federal district judge, your compensation is the same as a second-year lawyer at one of the 100 top law firms. 

If you are a judge on one of the federal courts of appeals, then you are making a small fraction of the compensation of a partner at one of the top 100 law firms. 

The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court brings in a whopping $317 thousand. Back in the day, Chief Justice Roberts was a top partner of Hogan & Hartson, now Hogan Lovells, where the current profit per partner is more than $3 million a year. 

Hold that thought, while you remember George Conway’s offhand remark that the Paul, Weiss Management Committee chose to knuckle under to Trump because they were afraid their annual compensation would drop from $25 million to a mere $15 million. 

That’s why, facing off against the very richest of our top law firms, Trump could huff and he could puff and he could blow their house down. They were, metaphorically, the kind of little pig who builds his house out of straw or wood. 

Federal judges, as a group, are not that kind of little pig. They have physical courage. A lot of them have moral courage. And, for the most part, they can’t be bought. 

Nor, may I add, are they stupid. 

Trump gaslights.

But people try to gaslight every federal judge each and every day. Several times a day. They are used to it. It doesn’t work. 

If You Want to Understand the Legal Landscape as of Friday, Please Watch This Video

A couple of random points, if I may.

First, if anyone has forgotten or doesn’t know, I’d like to provide a brief reminder about who George Conway is. To put this in context: YouTube serves up a lot of legal commentators. Many of them have some relevant experience and some good points to make. But, in my opinion, Conway stands out as a Very Series Person. He is a graduate of Harvard College and Yale Law School, and, for 26 years, was a litigation partner of Wachtell, Lipson, Rosen & Katz, the richest law firm in the United States. Why did he leave? It’s not clear, but my speculation is that he had as much money as he needed for the rest of his life, and wanted to be a champion for the rule of law. 

Conway understands exactly what is going on. And he has the capacity to explain what’s going on.

And here’s the second random point—the question of why Legal Team Trump are acting like a bunch of menacing clowns, as detailed in the video. 

They have already been smacked down by the Supreme Court. And, as sure as God made little green apples, they are headed straight for a full on, definitive, rebuke by the Court.

Actually, lots and lots of rebukes—in the immigration cases, the law firm cases, the education cases, all as discussed in the video.

So … what the hell is Legal Team Trump’s game plan? Once, rebuked, to back down and look like idiots?

Or … to tell the Supreme Court to go to hell. But if THAT’s their plan, then why not stand on “principle” now, and just tell the lower courts that they “lack jurisdiction” or are “acting illegally”? That would be a bad plan—but not merely as bad as the menacing clown show That Legal Team Trump is staging now. 

There is an answer to that question. They are acting like menacing clowns because they are fifth rate minds. And, of course, because they have to please His Most High Excellency on TV every day. In now way, have they thought through where all their tomfoolery is going to lead. In no way, do they know how to deal rationally with the likely consequences of their actions.

In short, the Trump legal shit show is entirely of a piece with the shit show in pretty much all other aspects of government. See Dana Milbank (Washington Post), For the Trump administration, it’s amateur hour

Team Trump Responds to the Midnight Ruling

Version 1.0.0

I made a mistake. Amidst all the chaos of the previous weekend, I thought that the Trump Administration had not responded to the Supreme Court’s midnight ruling, and to the dissent to that ruling by Justice Alito, joined by Justice Thomas

In fact, the Solicitor General did file a brief, to which the ACLU responded

It is common ground that, on Friday night, the ACLU sounded the alarm, got the justices out of bed, told them that the Trump Administration had put a bunch of immigrants on buses, that the buses were headed to the airport, where a plane was headed for El Salvador, and that seven of the nine justices believed the ACLU and issued the Midnight Order.

The main issue, for purposes of the weekend, was whether the ACLU was just throwing sand in the Court’s eye, or whether the Administration really was trying to pull a fast one, tying the courts up in the niceties of their own procedures while a bunch of immigrants were headed to the gulag. 

Now, as I said, the Solicitor General filed a 15-page weekend brief. And what, pray tell, did the Solicitor General say about the main issue?

He said nothing whatsoever about the main issue. And that is because there was nothing he could say, without either lying through his teeth or expressing open contempt for the Supreme Court.

Ladies and gentlemen, when you are compelled to file a brief that says nothing at all about the key issue then you are indeed having a horrible, terrible, no good, very bad day. 

Part of the Solicitor General’s problem was that the Fake News Media had video of the immigrants on the buses – which passed by the exit to the Abilene, Texas, airport, turned around, and delivered the prisoners back to their Texas prison!

Unlike some in the Administration, the Solicitor General has enough sense to know that “who’re you gonna believe, me or your lying eyes?” is not an argument you should make to the Supreme Court.

And Meanwhile, What of Mango Mussolini?

His Most High Excellency has addressed the issue—but only by saying that he’s very frustrated. See The Hill, Trump blasts Supreme Court while arguing trials for migrants ‘not possible’

What Does This All Mean?

You never know what will happen tomorrow, or next week. But, for now, His Most High Excellency has backed off deporting people without due process. 

“A Call for Constructive Engagement” by Presidents of America’s Colleges and Universities

As leaders of America’s colleges, universities, and scholarly societies, we speak with one voice against the unprecedented government overreach and political interference now endangering American higher education. We are open to constructive reform and do not oppose legitimate government oversight. However, we must oppose undue government intrusion in the lives of those who learn, live, and work on our campuses. We will always seek effective and fair financial practices, but we must reject the coercive use of public research funding.

America’s system of higher learning is as varied as the goals and dreams of the students it serves. It includes research universities and community colleges; comprehensive universities and liberal arts colleges; public institutions and private ones; freestanding and multi-site campuses. Some institutions are designed for all students, and others are dedicated to serving particular groups. Yet, American institutions of higher learning have in common the essential freedom to determine, on academic grounds, whom to admit and what is taught, how, and by whom. Our colleges and universities share a commitment to serve as centers of open inquiry where, in their pursuit of truth, faculty, students, and staff are free to exchange ideas and opinions across a full range of viewpoints without fear of retribution, censorship, or deportation.

Because of these freedoms, American institutions of higher learning are essential to American prosperity and serve as productive partners with government in promoting the common good. Colleges and universities are engines of opportunity and mobility, anchor institutions that contribute to economic and cultural vitality regionally and in our local communities. They foster creativity and innovation, provide human resources to meet the fast-changing demands of our dynamic workforce, and are themselves major employers. They nurture the scholarly pursuits that ensure America’s leadership in research, and many provide healthcare and other essential services. Most fundamentally, America’s colleges and universities prepare an educated citizenry to sustain our democracy.

The price of abridging the defining freedoms of American higher education will be paid by our students and our society. On behalf of our current and future students, and all who work at and benefit from our institutions, we call for constructive engagement that improves our institutions and serves our republic.

Signed,

  • Jonathan Alger, President, American University
  • Suzanne Ames, President, Peninsula College
  • Carmen Twillie Ambar, President, Oberlin College
  • Denise A. Battles, President, SUNY Geneseo
  • Ian Baucom, Incoming President, Middlebury College
  • Allan Belton, President, Pacific Lutheran University
  • Hubert Benitez, President, Saint Peter’s University 
  • Joanne Berger-Sweeney, President, Trinity College (CT)
  • Michael A. Bernstein, President, The College of New Jersey
  • Audrey Bilger, President, Reed College 
  • Erik J. Bitterbaum, President, SUNY Cortland
  • Sarah Bolton, President, Whitman College
  • Mary H. Bonderoff, President, SUNY Delhi
  • Eric Boynton, President, Beloit College
  • Elizabeth H. Bradley, President, Vassar College
  • Brian Bruess, President, College of Saint Benedict and Saint John’s University
  • Adam Bush, President, College Unbound
  • Alison Byerly, President, Carleton College
  • Wendy Cadge, President and Professor of Sociology, Bryn Mawr College
  • Nancy Cantor, President, Hunter College CUNY
  • Alberto Jose Cardelle, President, SUNY Oneonta
  • Brian W. Casey, President, Colgate University
  • Ana Mari Cauce, Professor and President, University of Washington
  • Andrea Chapdelaine, President, Connecticut College
  • Thom D. Chesney, President, Southwestern College (NM)
  • Bryan F. Coker, President, Maryville College 
  • Ronald B. Cole, President, Allegheny College
  • Jennifer Collins, President, Rhodes College
  • John Comerford, President, Otterbein University
  • Marc C. Conner, President, Skidmore College
  • La Jerne Terry Cornish, President, Ithaca College
  • Grant Cornwell, President, Rollins College
  • Isiaah Crawford, President, University of Puget Sound
  • Gregory G. Dell’Omo, President, Rider University
  • Kent Devereaux, President, Goucher College
  • Jim Dlugos, Interim President, Landmark College
  • Bethami Dobkin, President, Westminster University
  • Harry Dumay, President, Elms College
  • Christopher L. Eisgruber, President, Princeton University
  • Michael A. Elliott, President, Amherst College
  • Jane Fernandes, President, Antioch College
  • Damian J. Fernandez, President, Warren Wilson College
  • David Fithian, President, Clark University
  • Lisa C. Freeman, President, Northern Illinois University
  • Robert Gaines, Acting President, Pomona College
  • Alan M. Garber, President, Harvard University
  • Michael H. Gavin, President, Delta College
  • Mark D. Gearan, President, Hobart and William Smith Colleges
  • Melissa Gilliam, President, Boston University
  • Jorge G. Gonzalez, President, Kalamazoo College
  • Jonathan D. Green, President, Susquehanna University
  • David A. Greene, President, Colby College
  • William R. Groves, Chancellor, Antioch University
  • Jeremy Haefner, Chancellor, University of Denver
  • Yoshiko Harden, President, Renton Technical College
  • Anne F. Harris, President, Grinnell College
  • James T. Harris, President, University of San Diego
  • Marjorie Hass, President, Council of Independent Colleges 
  • Richard J. Helldobler, President, William Paterson University
  • Wendy Hensel, President, University of Hawaii
  • James Herbert, President, University of New England
  • Doug Hicks, President, Davidson College
  • Mary Dana Hinton, President, Hollins University 
  • Jonathan Holloway, President, Rutgers University
  • Robin Holmes-Sullivan, President, Lewis & Clark College
  • Robert H. Huntington, President, Heidelberg University 
  • Nicole Hurd, President, Lafayette College
  • Wolde-Ab Isaac, Chancellor, Riverside Community College District
  • Karim Ismaili, President, Eastern Connecticut State University
  • J. Larry Jameson, President, University of Pennsylvania
  • Garry W. Jenkins, President, Bates College
  • Paula A. Johnson, President, Wellesley College
  • John E. Jones III, President, Dickinson College
  • Cristle Collins Judd, President, Sarah Lawrence College
  • David L. Kaufman, President, Capital University
  • Colleen Perry Keith, President, Goldey-Beacom College
  • Julie Johnson Kidd, President, Endeavor Foundation
  • Jonathan Koppell, President, Montclair State University
  • Sally Kornbluth, President, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • Julie Kornfeld, President, Kenyon College
  • Michael I. Kotlikoff, President, Cornell University
  • Paula Krebs, Executive Director, Modern Language Association
  • Sunil Kumar, President, Tufts University
  • Bobbie Laur, President, Campus Compact
  • Frederick M. Lawrence, Secretary and CEO, Phi Beta Kappa Society
  • Hilary L. Link, President, Drew University
  • Patricia A. Lynott, President, Rockford University
  • Heidi Macpherson, President, SUNY Brockport
  • John Maduko, President, Connecticut State Community College
  • Lynn Mahoney, President, San Francisco State University
  • Daniel Mahony, President, Southern Illinois University 
  • Maud S. Mandel, President, Williams College
  • Christine Mangino, President, Queensborough Community College
  • Amy Marcus-Newhall, President, Scripps College
  • Felix V. Matos-Rodriguez, Chancellor, City University of New York (CUNYAnne E. McCall, President, The College of Wooster
  • Richard L. McCormick, Interim President, Stony Brook University
  • Michael McDonald, President, Great Lakes Colleges Association
  • James McGrath, President and Dean, Cooley Law School
  • Patricia McGuire, President, Trinity Washington University
  • Maurie McInnis, President, Yale University
  • Elizabeth M. Meade, President, Cedar Crest College
  • Scott D. Miller, President, Virginia Wesleyan University
  • Jennifer Mnookin, Chancellor, University of Wisconsin–Madison
  • Robert Mohrbacher, President, Centralia College
  • Chris Moody, Executive Director, ACPA-College Student Educators International
  • Tomas Morales, President, California State University San Bernardino
  • Milton Moreland, President, Centre College
  • Kathryn Morris, President, St. Lawrence University
  • Ross Mugler, Board Chair and Acting President and CEO, Association of Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges
  • Krista L. Newkirk, President, University of Redlands
  • Stefanie D. Niles, President, Cottey College
  • Claire Oliveros, President, Riverside City College
  • Robyn Parker, Interim President, Saybrook University
  • Lynn Pasquerella, President, American Association of Colleges and Universities
  • Laurie L. Patton, President, American Academy of Arts and Sciences
  • Beth Paul, President, Nazareth University
  • Christina Paxson, President, Brown University
  • Rob Pearigen, Vice-Chancellor and President, University of the South
  • Deidra Peaslee, President, Saint Paul College
  • Eduardo M. Peñalver, President, Seattle University
  • Ora Pescovitz, President, Oakland University
  • Darryll J. Pines, President, University of Maryland
  • Nicola Pitchford, President, Dominican University of California
  • Kevin Pollock, President, Central Carolina Technical College 
  • Susan Poser, President, Hofstra University
  • Paul C. Pribbenow, President, Augsburg University
  • Vincent Price, President, Duke University
  • Robert Quinn, Executive Director, Scholars at Risk Network
  • Wendy E. Raymond, President, Haverford College
  • Christopher M. Reber, President, Hudson County Community College 
  • Suzanne M. Rivera, President, Macalester College – Saint Paul, MN ( MBR )
  • Michael S. Roth, President, Wesleyan University
  • James Ryan, President, University of Virginia
  • Vincent Rougeau, President, College of the Holy Cross
  • Kurt L. Schmoke, President, University of Baltimore
  • Carol Geary Schneider, Acting Executive Director, Civic Learning and Democracy Engagement Coalition
  • Sean M. Scott, President and Dean, California Western School of Law
  • Zaldwaynaka Scott, President, Chicago State University
  • Philip J. Sisson, President, Middlesex Community College (MA)
  • Suzanne Smith, President, SUNY Potsdam
  • Valerie Smith, President, Swarthmore College
  • Paul Sniegowski, President, Earlham College
  • Barbara R. Snyder, President, Association of American Universities
  • Stephen Snyder, Interim President, Middlebury College
  • Weymouth Spence, President, Washington Adventist University
  • Terri Standish-Kuon, President and CEO, Independent Colleges of Washington
  • G. Gabrielle Starr, President, Pomona College 
  • Karen A. Stout, President, Achieving the Dream
  • Tom Stritikus, President, Occidental College
  • Julie Sullivan, President, Santa Clara University 
  • Aondover Tarhule, President, Illinois State University
  • Glena Temple, President, Dominican University
  • Steven J. Tepper. President, Hamilton College
  • Kellye Y. Testy, CEO, Association of American Law Schools
  • Tania Tetlow, President, Fordham University
  • Strom C. Thacker, President, Pitzer College
  • Scott L. Thomas, President, Sterling College 
  • Deborah Trautman, President and CEO, American Association of Colleges of Nursing
  • Satish K. Tripathi, President, University at Buffalo, SUNY
  • Kyaw Moe Tun, President, Parami University
  • Brad Tyndall, President, Central Wyoming College
  • LaTanya Tyson, President, Carolina Christian College
  • Matthew P. vandenBerg, President, Ohio Wesleyan University
  • James Vander Hooven, President, Mount Wachusett Community College
  • Laura R. Walker, President, Bennington College
  • Yolanda Watson Spiva, President, Complete College America 
  • Michaele Whelan, President, Wheaton College
  • Manya C. Whitaker, Interim President, Colorado College
  • Julie A. Manley White, Chancellor and CEO, Pierce College
  • Kim A. Wilcox, Chancellor, University of California, Riverside
  • Sarah Willie-LeBreton, President, Smith College
  • Safa R. Zaki, President, Bowdoin College

Harvard Sues Trump

Late this afternoon, Harvard filed suit against Team Trump. The complaint is here. The gist is found in paragraph 3, which reads as follows:

On April 11, 2025, citing concerns of antisemitism and ideological capture, the Government identified ten conditions Harvard must satisfy to receive federal research funding already committed to by the Governmentand relied on by Harvard, its researchers, and its affiliates (the “April 11 Letter,” attached as Exhibit A). Ex. A at 2,4. The Government dictated that Harvard “reform and restructur[e]” its governance to “reduc[e] the power” ofcertain students, faculty, and administrators. Id. at 2. It required that Harvard hire a third-party to conduct an“audit” of the viewpoints of Harvard’s student body, faculty, and staff. Id. at 3-4. Then, based on the results ofthis university-wide viewpoint audit, Harvard must “hir[e] a critical mass of new faculty” and “admit[] a critical mass of students” to achieve “viewpoint diversity” in “each department, field, or teaching unit”—to the Government’s satisfaction as determined in the Government’s sole discretion. Id. And the Government has demanded that Harvard terminate or reform its academic “programs” to the Government’s liking. Id. at 4. All told, the tradeoff put to Harvard and other universities is clear: Allow the Government to micromanageyour academic institution or jeopardize the institution’s ability to pursue medical breakthroughs, scientific discoveries, and innovative solutions.

The complaint alleges violation of the First Amendment in multiple ways, violation of the Administrative Procedures Act in multiple ways, and violation of statutory and constitutional authority.

Harvard’s Lawyers

The complaint identifies Harvard’s attorneys as individual partners of the Quinn Emanuel and King & Spalding firms—the two people who are known to have represented Harvard in discussions with Team Trump—along with four attorneys at Ropes & Gray, a distinguished old line Boston firm, and nine attorneys from four offices of Lehotsky Keller Cohn LLP, described as an elite litigation boutique firm. 

The Lehotsky firm is well connected in conservative legal circles. One of the Lehotsky lawyers on the case was president of the Federalist Society at Harvard Law School. 

Mr. Lehotsky, the first named partner of the firm, and the only attorney whose physical signature appears on the complaint, clerked for Justice Scalia and, at one point, directed litigation strategy for the United States Chamber of Commerce, where he was known for slaying regulatory dragons. 

Harvard Alumni on the Supreme Court

Chief Justice Roberts, along with Justice Gorsuch and Justice Jackson, took their undergraduate degrees from Harvard College and their law degrees from Harvard Law School. Justice Kagan came to Harvard Law by way of Princeton. 

How Team Trump is Responding, as of Sunday Night, to the Supreme Court’s Order on Immigration Due Process

I think sounds of silence signal that the legal part of Team Trump is having a terrible, horrible, no good, very bad weekend.

Meanwhile, an insightful op-ed in the N.Y. Times speaks of a recently invented right wing legal principle—the major questions doctrine, newly discovered as a conservative cure for perceived liberal excesses—that requires “clear congressional authorization” when the bureaucrats make decisions of great “economic and political significance.” Otherwise, bye-bye liberal policy adventuresomeness. 

Now, Orange Mussolini is the poster child for one who makes decisions of great economic and political significance without a ghost of a shadow of congressional authorization. 

Will the courts apply their new major questions doctrine in an intellectually consistent way? Stay tuned. We’ll find out in due course. See Aaron Tang, Will This Conservative Legal Doctrine Undo Trump’s First Months in Office?

Enquiring minds want to know. 

Alito’s Dissent to the Midnight Order

Read it here.

On April the 18th of 75—that would be 1775—Paul Revere took a midnight ride. Around midnight on April the 18th of 2025, seven justices of the Supreme Court issued an order. The order was addressed to His Most High Excellency, and it declared, in words or substance, “Yo! Numbnuts! Don’t deport no more undocumented aliens without due process! And, by the way, we’re telling you this at midnight on Good Friday, after unusual and truncated legal procedure, because we don’t trust your fat ass any further than we can throw your fat ass. And that ain’t very far. Have a nice day. Love and kisses, The Supreme Court.”

Justices Alito and Thomas dissented, and promised a written opinion. Two days later the written opinion has appeared over the transom. 

The First Question About the Dissent

Back on April 7, in Trump v. J.G.G., Justice Kavanagh wrote,

I agree with the Courts per curiam opinion. Importantly, as the Court stresses, the Court’s disagreement with the dissenters is not over whether the detainees receive judicial review of their transfers—all nine Members of the Court agree that judicial review of their transfers—all nine Members of the Court agree that judicial review is available. The only question is where that judicial review should occur. That venue question turns on … [yadda, yadda, yadda, yadda]. 

But was Justice Kavanagh telling the truth about the actual views of “all nine Members of the Court”? After all, Justices Alito and Thomas are—how to put this?—often idiosyncratic in their views. And their stated dissent to the Midnight Ruling left open the possibility that they might have dissented because they agreed with the Trump Administration on its dictatorial interpretation of the Alien Enemies Act.

The Answer to the First Question

Well, who knows what Alito and Thomas might do or say at some future time. But, as of this afternoon, we do know what they did not say. Their dissent offers no scintilla of support for Trump’s basic claim, or for any hint that Justice Kavanagh might have misdescribed their views of due process and judicial review. 

None. Zero. Not a smidgen. Not a soupçon. Bupkis. Rien. Nada. 

The Second Question About the Dissent

The second question is: What are we to glean from the fact that the Alito/Thomas dissent goes on, and on, and on, about how the Supreme Court’s Midnight Ruling is inconsistent with a whole variety of arcane rules of civil procedure?

The Answer to the Second Question

The answer is that seven justices do not Trump’s fat ass any further than they can throw Trump’s fat ass.

And they bloody well want him to know that they don’t trust his fat ass. 

And they want him to know that if he goes ahead and puts the next fifty Venzuelans on a plane for El Salvador, without notice and a hearing, then the long anticipated full blown constitutional crisis will be upon us. 

The Third Question About the Dissent

Well, then, why did Alito dissent?

The Answer to the Third Question

Alito writes, “ I refused to join the Court’s order because we had no good reason to think that, under the circumstances, issuing an order at midnight was necessary or appropriate.”

Translation? Not entirely clear, but one supposes that it wasn’t “appropriate” because it was in such tension with established procedural laws and precents—and it wasn’t “necessary” because, surely, Trump wasn’t going to play games and put those 50 guys on a plane before the Supreme Court could act.

Let me say that, if Justice Alito actually believes that Team Trump wasn’t trying to make a mockery of the Supreme Court, then I have a very nice bridge in Brooklyn that I am prepared to sell, at a very reasonable price.

The Dissent’s Addendum

The dissent ends thusly:

Both the Executive and the Judiciary have an obligation to follow the law. The Executive must proceed under the terms of our order in Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U.S. ___ (2025) (per curiam), and the Court should follow established procedures. 

And what, ladies and germs, is “our order in Trump v. J.G.G.”—the order that Justices Alito and Thomas so warmly embrace?

Why, it is, to quote the exact language of the Supreme Court decision, that detainees under the Alien Enemies Act “must receive notice … that they are subject to removal under the Act. The notice must be afforded within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before such removal occurs.”

David Brooks’ Uprising

More here:

David Brooks (N.Y. Times), What’s Happening Is Not Normal. America Needs an Uprising That Is Not Normal.

My friends and I from Happy Acres will be at the barricades in just a few minutes.

Meanwhile …

As I write, it’s about twelve hours after the Supreme Court issued its 1 AM order—the one that said, “The Government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this Court.”

As of this hour, not a peep have we heard from His Most High Excellency, nor from our legally blonde Attorney General, nor, for that matter, from the American Civil Liberties Union.

And Isn’t This Just Too Special for Words?

His Most High Excellency has solemnly proclaimed today as a day of commemoration of the Battles of Lexington and Concord.